Official correspondence of Auschwitz prisoners

Transcript of the podcast

The Germans deported some 1.3 million people to Auschwitz and only over 400 000 were registered in the camp as prisoners. Some of them could conduct correspondence with the outside world. However it had a unique character. Dr Wojciech Płosa, the head of the Museum Archives talks about the prisoners correspondence: letters and poste cards that were sent out from the camp and sent to prisoners by relatives.

In one of the previous podcasts of the “On Auschwitz” series, we have already described the archives of the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum and camp documentation. Today, I would like you to focus on the issue of official prisoner correspondence.

Yes, they were. This privilege didn’t apply to all detainees, but like in other Nazi concentration camps, prisoners were allowed to correspond. They could send letters and receive them from their families. Of course, this was the subject to several restrictions and requirements that had to be met and followed.

You have recalled that not all prisoners could send and receive letters, so who was allowed to correspond, and how often somebody could send a letter from the camp and receive an answer?

Generally, the privilege of correspondence didn’t apply to Jewish prisoners, Soviet POWs, police prisoners, and those sent to the camp as part of special actions, such as those affected by the “Nacht und Nebel” – Night and Fog decree. These individuals were intended to be eliminated sooner or later and were not supposed to maintain any contact with the outside world. Occasionally, some inmates were also punished by camp authorities for various infractions or for other reasons, and so they were also temporarily deprived of the privilege to conduct the correspondence. Therefore, essentially the ones permitted to exchange letters were mainly non-Jewish political prisoners. The camp regulations stipulated that twice a month, generally once every two weeks, a letter could be sent and received. However, the prisoners who, for instance, were imprisoned for a second time because they had escaped and were recaptured or had been released and then arrested again and sent to the camp, could send a letter only once a month and respectively receive correspondence from their relatives once a month.

Prisoners could write letters on special forms. Where could these forms be obtained and how were they paid for?

Initially, in the very early phase of the camp's existence, from June to October or November 1940, there were no ready-made forms, and prisoners used ordinary pieces of paper. The content of the letters was controlled, and before the letter was to be sent, an SS man who read the letter would stamp it indicating it had been censored. Later, official forms were introduced. There were two types thereof: a letter form consisting of four lined pages for ready to fill it with a content and a camp postcard form, which had limited space for a brief message. These forms could be purchased in the camp canteen with camp currency, the so called “Lagergeld”, which was not real banknotes or coins but coupons bearing various values like half of mark, one mark or two marks. If families deposited money for them, the prisoners received these coupons and used them to buy the forms in the canteen. Official prisoner correspondence from Auschwitz could be conducted on these forms.

Who sent and received camp mail? Was there a post office in Auschwitz?

Yes, within the second division of the administration the political department or the camp Gestapo, there was a post office that handled exchange of the correspondence. This included not only letters and postcards but also packages, although packages are a separate topic. Initially, the post office operated within the structure of Auschwitz I and was covering also Auschwitz II-Birkenau. According to memoirs of survivor Franciszek Targosz, who worked in the post office, once a week a female guard from Birkenau would come to Auschwitz to collect the post. Afterwards separate post office were established in Auschwitz II and in sub-camps, where correspondence was directed.

You mentioned censorship. It was known that the prisoners were not able to share the truth about camp life with their families, and letters were controlled by SS men. Were letters with an inappropriate content according to the censors prevent from being sent? What happened to such letters? Did the prisoner face punishment for writing such a message?

Firstly, it's important to emphasize that there was no such restriction in any printed or written camp terms and conditions or any other regulations available to the prisoners. However, the inmates were likely strictly instructed that they were not supposed to describe the true conditions of the camp life, and thus had to avoid such phrases. Common phrases like “Ich bin gesund” – I am healthy and “Ich fühle gut” – I feel good, often had to appear at the beginning of the letter. Additionally, correspondence had to be drawn up in German. Those, who didn’t command German, had to seek help from fellow prisoners who did. Several SS men in the post office were responsible for censoring letters, and if they found a suspicious fragment, they simply removed it. We have examples of letter forms with parts cut out with scissors. These letters were sent after the censor's intervention, so they were not discarded but sent without the removed fragment. However, prisoners who didn’t respect to these rules were certainly punished. For instance, prisoner Ryszard Kordek in his post-war memoirs describes an event, that took place according to him in the late spring of 1942. In the letter destined to his father he wrote more or less that the sun would shine for him, that he would be happy one day. Probably it could be implied from the context, that he meant freedom or something similar and this fragment awake awareness of the censor. Mr. Kordek recalls, that exactly for using this statement in his letter he was simply condemned to flogging. Therefore, one could also fear such outcome and besides physical punishment, there was also the penalty of being deprived of right to correspondence for a period of time if the rule about not mentioning the truth about camp reality was infringed.

Let’s go back to the phrase “I am healthy and feel good”, often found in correspondence. Was there an instruction on how such a letter should look? Did this phrase have to be included?

It seems that the instruction was given orally by block leaders or even by the SS men themselves. It's difficult to pinpoint this exactly in the sources, but since prisoners in their post-war accounts emphasized that such a phrase had to be included in letters, it seems they were instructed to do so, mainly to placate the censors and ensure the letter's approval. So, they made efforts to adhere to this rule and inserted such phrases in their letters.

Regarding the penalty of losing correspondence privileges: if a prisoner was punished and a letter arrived for them during this time, what happened to the letter? Was it returned, or did it wait for the prisoner?

Generally, such letters were not returned but were stored in the camp post office and then handed over to the prisoner once the punishment period ended. However, letters addressed to prisoners who had died or been transferred to other camps were returned to the families with a quite enigmatic and not really comprehensible for the family stamp on the envelope stating that the letter was being returned because the receiver, in this case the prisoner who was supposed to obtain it, no longer remained in Auschwitz. We can only imagine that this could cause significant preoccupations or distress for the relatives, as it might imply the prisoner had died or been transferred, so they had to wait for further information. Prisoners relocated to other camps could also write and relatives were officially notified of a prisoner's death by special telegrams issued by the camp main office. Therefore, the return of such a letter could foreshadow the worst news regarding the prisoner's fate.

Was it possible to exchange the correspondence between camps, for instance, if spouses were imprisoned in different camps? Were they able to maintain contact with each other?

It was not prohibited, although analysing examples of the particular letters available to us and exchanged between loved ones in different camps, it appears that this possibility was introduced later. Bearing in mind, that the concerned persons had to provide an address for correspondence, which was checked by SS men working at the post office, the previously given address had to coincide with the address from the correspondence to be actually sent. Generally, prisoners provided the address of their closest relatives such as spouses, one or both parents, brother or sister. However, if someone found out that the spouse had been arrested later and was in another camp, the situation was different. The spouse detained in another camp might initiate the correspondence sending a letter for instance from Mauthausen, Buchenwald or a camp for POW. For example, men in POW camps wrote to their wives in Auschwitz I, and when the prisoner received such correspondence, they could request permission to reply to an address different from the one originally given. According to the post-war accounts, such as those by Franciszek Targosz, over time, SS men became more lenient, if we could say so, regarding correspondence, some of them allowing even more frequent mail exchange or to addresses not originally given. This likely occurred in later periods, around or after 1943.

As you mentioned, besides letters, packages could also be sent to the camp. Was it possible for all prisoners, and what could be sent in such packages?

Regarding parcels, as I mentioned, the privilege of receiving parcels applied only to those prisoners who also enjoyed the privilege of correspondence. Therefore, neither Jewish prisoners, Soviet prisoners of war, police prisoners, nor those targeted under the “Night and Fog” action could receive parcels. The regulations regarding what could be sent in parcels were quite detailed. There were special forms that could be included in the letter to the family, all in German. Replies from the family also had to be in German. Since the situation regarding food, clothing, and footwear in the camp was dire, authorities began to prioritize ensuring that prisoners, especially those capable of work, functioned under relatively good conditions for a camp. Two significant changes were introduced concerning these parcels. First, in September 1941, there was a decision to allow parcels containing clothing to be sent to prisoners. This was mainly aimed at improving their situation for the upcoming winter, so they could receive warmer clothing like hats, gloves, scarves, or sweaters. Only later, at the end of October 1942, was the possibility of receiving food parcels introduced. However, these parcels couldn’t contain any liquids or medicines. Prisoners often advised their families in their letters on what could be sent and, most importantly, what they needed the most. It must be noted that under occupation, living conditions were harsh for everybody and acquiring food items was not easy. Thus, prisoners frequently asked their families to send food only if it didn’t pose great difficulty. Sending a food parcel was indeed very challenging for families, but every effort was made to support the prisoner. Typically, bread was sent, even if it had become somewhat stale on the way but was still suitable for consumption. Vegetables that, could be eaten row, like onions, which are a crucial source of vitamins, were important in the camp reality. Seasonal fruits such as apples and pears were also sent as they were nutritionally valuable and could endure longer transit times. Parcels had to be carefully packed and labelled with a list of contents. The contents were checked before being delivered to the prisoners. Similar to letters, these parcels could reach prisoners approximately once every two weeks and generally could not exceed one kilogram in weight, as per the regulations.

Since these parcels were also checked, could an SS guard or a functionary prisoner keep something for themselves from such a parcel?

It is possible that they did. It was mentioned in post-war memoirs and accounts by survivors. However, it seems that these parcels primarily served as an additional source of food for the prisoners. The alimentation packages received from home were a significant supplement to the food distributed in the camp. Therefore, it does not appear that parcels were heavily looted or severely restricted in access. This is evident from the preserved letters, where there are often expressions of gratitude for received parcels and even descriptions of the specific products sent. It seems that parcels generally arrived in good condition and were mostly passed on to the prisoners. However, it is certain that both SS guards and functionary prisoners, given the opportunity, could retain tastier products for themselves. There is no doubt about that.

While examining this collection of official prisoner correspondence documents, did anything particularly surprise or catch your attention?

This is an incredibly fascinating and unique historical source. It often happens that individuals who donate these camp letters or postcards to our collection request copies and translations. Thus, I often read this correspondence, which is a truly special experience. Despite everything, reading something that represents such an intimate exchange of thoughts between a prisoner and their closest relatives is undoubtedly a profound experience. Accessing such texts is significant. For instance, these letters or postcards sent on the eve of Christmas or Easter, or just after these holidays, when prisoners write that they spent the entire Christmas Eve or the entire holiday thinking of their loved ones. It was quite common that these were already several consecutive holidays spent away from home without the possibility of being with their loved ones. There are many mentions in these letters of situations very close to those people who corresponded with each other. For example, there are memories of how they met or memories of what their family home or garden looked like. Sometimes it's even surprising that a prisoner, who in the camp reality had to be constantly aware that death, punishment, or transfer to another camp could happen at any moment, in these letters, for instance, would inquire whether their children were studying well and express concern if their daughter or son didn’t have good grades in school and might not pass to the next class. This may seem unbelievable, but on the other hand, if we realize that these letters were a way for prisoners to stay connected with their loved ones and the outside world, it certainly provided them with a means to momentarily forget about the terrible reality of Auschwitz and transport themselves back to their home reality. Therefore, such correspondence is incredibly interesting and truly a crucial part of our archival collections.

Due to censorship, prisoners couldn't directly express certain matters. Did they sometimes use codes, especially those involved in the resistance movement or simply wanting to communicate with their loved ones?

We know that indeed prisoners had their ways to outsmart the censors. For example, those involved in the resistance and whose spouses knew about it. But sometimes nobody was aware about it, which is typical for the clandestine activity. Sometimes it was agreed that if they ended up in prison or a camp and could send correspondence from there, they would use a code or agreed-upon word or words as keys. Quite often, prisoners wrote about themselves in the third person, using their second name or a diminutive used in those domestic or intimate relationships. For example, we know that from the memoirs of a Czech prisoner, Miroslav Kubik. He was a young man, barely a high school student, but was involved in resistance activities in Roudnice, near the Elbe River. He informed his parents that if he were to be imprisoned or sent to a camp and could send correspondence from there, everything he wrote should be interpreted in exactly the opposite way. He emphasized that if he wrote, “I am very, very healthy”, then this is such an emphasis: „very, very” will mean, very, that it is very bad, not very good. So, some tricks could be used. Certain words – keys completely incomprehensible to the SS censoring content of the words, to pass through detailed and true information to the recipients.

Can it be determined how large the collection of the official prison correspondence in the archive is? How many letters and prison cards do we have in our collections?

There are currently about 16,000 original camp letters and original camp postcards, but we are still receiving new ones. Mainly, it is the families of survivors who donate such letters to us. I must mention, for example, that just recently, we were visited by the grandson of a prisoner from the first transport of Poles, Teodor Dondolewski, who had number 306. This grandson brought us five camp letters sent by Mr. Dondolewski; he came for this purpose from Germany, where he permanently resides. Mr. Dondolewski was released from the camp in November 1942, but these five letters survived within the family. They will require urgent intervention from our conservators because they are not in the best condition, but, of course, acquiring such camp letters is very important to us. This also highlights what I've been saying: that families treat these mementos with great reverence. Therefore, we are always very happy and extremely honoured if we can acquire such documents, especially camp correspondence sent by prisoners to their families, because we know that for many people, these are truly precious mementos.

Let's also mention that today we are discussing official camp correspondence. But there are other types, which of course is material for a separate podcast. But could you briefly tell us about these other types of correspondence that we have in the archive?

Yes, other types of correspondence include “kites”, or illegal letters, which are absolutely outside the official correspondence, sent outside the official system. Generally, there are two types of “kites”. Personal ones, which prisoners tried to send to their loved ones with information about themselves and their fate. Sometimes these are hastily written notes thrown from trains transporting prisoners to the camp or from cars taking them to prisons and then from prisons to the camp. We have several examples of such letters. The second type of “kites” are those sent within the framework of the camp resistance movement. They are also extremely interesting. It's quite fascinating that they have survived at all, because the resistance movement required the destruction of evidence of such activities. Yet, we see that examples of such “illegal letters” have survived. Another separate story is the postcards sent by Jews who were held in the family camp in Birkenau, deported from the Theresienstadt ghetto, then in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. They were doomed to extermination and mostly perished, although their stay in the camp was planned for about six months. But because the camp authorities and the occupier in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia wanted to maintain them calm and prevent information about Auschwitz from leaking out, they decided that before these people died, they would write such postcards to their loved ones. These postcards were post-dated, meaning they usually reached the recipients when the senders were already dead, having been murdered in the gas chambers at Auschwitz. Interestingly, the address didn’t include the word “Auschwitz”, because the word “Auschwitz” was meant to be erased from the consciousness of these Jews. The word “Auschwitz“ caused already then, in 1944, a feeling of terror among still remaining alive Jews. The address was “Arbeitslager Birkenau bei Neu Bieruń”, or the Birkenau labor camp near Neu Bieruń. This partly came about because in the wagons arriving at Auschwitz from Theresienstadt, prisoners would, at the last moment before leaving the wagons, scratch the name “Auschwitz” or “Auschwitz-Birkenau” on the inner walls or planks of the wagons, indicating the warning that they reached this destination. These wagons were reused for transports, so information about a place like Auschwitz also reached Theresienstadt.

We will certainly return to these topics. Finally, I would like to emphasize that the archive of the Museum holds numerous post-camp documents, including the mentioned letters, under special conditions, under the care of professional conservators. People who donate original documents to the archive to preserve this special trace of their relatives' history can expect the Museum to prepare copies. If anyone from our listeners would like to donate such materials, where should they contact?

We would be extremely grateful if they contacted us, either the archive or anyone from the Museum. It often happens that such information reaches us through our guides, who also come into contact with many people. We would be very honoured and happy if people who have such documents related to the history of their ancestors who were Auschwitz prisoners would contact us. We guarantee confidentiality and ensure that the documents are stored in the best possible conditions in our Archive. The originals are not used for daily scientific research or educational purposes. We create digital or digital and paper copies of all the materials and documents we acquire to use in our daily work. So, if anyone would like to support us and donate camp documents to our collections, we would be very grateful and appreciative, and I hope they will contact us.