Creation of the Auschwitz Memorial

Transcript of the podcast

After the liberation of the Auschwitz it’s to main parts: the former main camp, Auschwitz I, and Auschwitz II-Birkenau, where first placed under the control of the Soviet military authorities. In Auschwitz I from February to September 1945 Soviet field hospitals and the Polish Red Cross Hospital operated, where most of the surviving prisoners where treated. A transit camp for German prisoners of war also operated there from spring to autumn of that year. As similar camp existed at the former Birkenau camp until early 1946. Commissions investigating the crimes committed by Nazi Germany at Auschwitz also began to work at the site of the former camp. At the same time survivors began to make efforts to establish an institution that would commemorate the victims. Dr Jacek Lachendro from the Museum Research Center talks about the process that led to the creation of the Auschwitz Memorial in 1947.

The Auschwitz camp was liberated on 27th of January 1945. However, the Museum was founded on these premises two and a half years later. What happened at the Auschwitz and Birkenau sites during this period?

The Red Army seized the former Auschwitz camp premises, and the Soviet military authorities assumed control and management of these areas, especially the former main camp and Birkenau, most of it. In the first few weeks and months, the Red Army and Soviet authorities organised medical aid for the rescued prisoners. A considerable number of prisoners, or so 4,500-4,800, were too ill and exhausted to leave the former camp site. Accordingly, field hospitals were organised for them, and these survivors were treated at the camp. A hospital was also set up by Polish Red Cross volunteers from Cracow. They were doctors and nurses assisted by volunteer paramedics from Oświęcim and the surrounding towns. The first immediate task was to help the survivors. After treatment, those who had recovered left the site of the former camp. Survivors who were Polish, Polish Jews, Slovakian Jews, or even Hungarian Jews were allowed to return to their homes, provided they still existed. On leaving the camp, they were given a certificate confirming their status as Auschwitz prisoners, their subsequent hospitalisation, and the exact date they exited the former camp. Such a certificate served as an identification document and travel authorisation for them during the early days, facilitating train trips to their preferred destinations. Survivors, especially Jews from Western or Southern Europe, faced a predicament during the spring of 1945. Military action in Austria, the Czech Republic, and Germany restricted their freedom of movement. As a temporary solution, the Soviet authorities established camps, particularly in Katowice Bogucice, where they awaited the end of fighting and the opportunity to return to their homes. Meanwhile, these hospitals functioned within the main camp. Both survivors of Birkenau and Monowitz and those who had been liberated were transported to these hospitals. The Soviet military hospitals operated until the summer of 1945, while the Polish Red Cross hospital functioned until the end of September. It's important to note that the number of patients decreased as more people recovered and left the area. Similarly, as time passed, the hospital comprised fewer and fewer blocks. While these hospitals were operating here, the Soviet military authorities set up transit camps for German prisoners of war on the sites of the main camp, the former main camp and the former Birkenau camp. These camps had functioned since March 1945.

With regard to the main camp, the prisoners of war were initially accommodated in blocks roughly to the southwest and south of the camp. Starting from 1st of June 1945, the main camp, which was initially separated by barbed wire from the hospitals' area, became a camp for German prisoners of war. As a result, the patients were relocated to various barracks outside the fence of the original concentration camp. However, at Birkenau, the German prisoners of war camp was situated in the BI sector and, at some point, in section BIIa. While the former main camp only housed German soldiers taken prisoners, the Birkenau camp housed soldiers and civilians arrested by Soviet soldiers in Upper and Opole Silesia. Often these were people summoned by the Soviet authorities to perform cleaning tasks or construct fortifications. However, once these assignments were finished, they were not permitted to return home but were directed here to Birkenau. They were detained at this location and periodically underwent evaluations, presumably to assess their capacity for labour. At intervals, the soldiers and civilians were deported to labour camps in the Soviet Union. Civilians affected by these actions were primarily residents of Silesia, including Germans, Silesians, and Poles. While the available data is not comprehensive and covers only a portion of the camps' operation, it suggests that over 22,000 people were deported to the Soviet Union. The majority were former German soldiers. In the summer of 1945, the Soviet authorities released some prisoners, including former German soldiers and civilians.

The camps were in operation at the main camp until around October 1945 and at Birkenau until February 1946. It should be noted that when these areas were under Soviet control, mainly when the prisoner-of-war camps were in operation, strict security measures were implemented. Therefore, in principle, the former main camp or this section of the BI at Birkenau could not be accessed by outsiders. While the prisoner-of-war camps were in operation, the Soviet authorities dismantled equipment, installations, and furnishings from multiple facilities in the main camp or surrounding areas. The Union fuse factory, the former SS kitchen, and the former camp slaughterhouse are examples of facilities that had all their equipment removed. All equipment and installations on site were dismantled and subsequently exported to the Soviet Union, as expected. Some belongings looted from the Jews by the Germans but not transported in time were also taken away. The Germans could not transport the items; hence, they were kept in storage. As a result, some of these items were also transported to the Soviet Union.

They also took away all sorts of iron components that had been stored on the premises of the so-called Bauhoff, the camp's building materials store, and attempts were made to remove the “Arbeit macht frei” inscription on the camp's entrance gate. The inscription was disassembled, made ready for removal, and subsequently placed onto a wagon. Fortunately, Eugeniusz Nosal, a survivor and then employee of the mayor's office in Oświęcim, had access to the former site of the main camp due to his earlier membership and involvement with the Soviet Commission investigating crimes committed here by the Germans.

Regardless, he possessed a permit to enter the camp, and on one occasion, when he arrived to procure construction materials, he discovered the sign being prepared for transportation. He then bribed a Soviet soldier guarding these wagons, took the inscription, hid it and drove it out of the camp area. And when the Museum was created, the inscription was returned to its original place. The exact scale of various equipment and materials taken from the former camp site is yet to be determined. However, certain objects endured while others, notably building materials, were sold to the Oświęcim Town Hall. Part of the property was also sold by the Red Army authorities to the Provincial Office of Cracow.

You said medical assistance was first given to the survivors in the post-camp area. But what happened to those who died in the area or were already found dead?

Upon arrival at the former main camp or Birkenau, the Soviet authorities discovered over 600 bodies. These individuals had either died from exhaustion during the camp evacuation or were intentionally killed by the Germans in the final days before the arrival of the Red Army. The bodies were systematically carried and transferred from Birkenau to makeshift pits behind the ruins of Crematorium III. Conversely, at the main camp, the corpses were moved to the former block 11, which was repurposed as a makeshift morgue.

The Soviet authorities had planned to bury the prisoners' bodies on 8th of February 1945. However, I found information indicating that Moscow's representatives had not yet arrived, thus necessitating the postponement of the burial until February 28th. The ceremonial funeral actually took place on that day. It was organised by the Soviet military authorities and the local Polish administration. Coffins were made and delivered to the former Birkenau camp. The bodies initially stored in the pits I referred to earlier were later transferred and placed in these coffins. As a result, the records indicate that the bodies were severely malnourished to the extent that two or three deceased ex-prisoners remains could fit in a single coffin. The inhabitants of Oświęcim and the neighbouring towns carried the coffins on their shoulders in a solemn and long procession from the Birkenau site to the area of the main camp, where a large pit had been dug. The coffins were placed in this pit, while the bodies from block 11 were deposited in a grave-like pit nearby. After the funeral ceremony, the bodies of survivors who passed away in the hospitals established within the camp's vicinity - whether in Soviet hospitals or the Polish Red Cross hospitals - were laid to rest in the two mass graves located in the former camp's premises.

As time passed, this entire area, including the graves, underwent a transformation and became a small cemetery designated for the final victims of Auschwitz. Remarkably, this cemetery still stands today, situated near the former main camp.

I assume the process of gathering evidence for future trials of perpetrators began after the liberation and provision of medical assistance to survivors requiring it. Who initiated the process of gathering evidence, and when?

The initial actions to investigate the crimes committed by the SS, by Germans at KL Auschwitz, were taken by the Soviet side in February and March of 1945. A commission was established with a very long name: the Extraordinary State Commission of the Soviet Union to Investigate the Crimes of the German-Fascist Aggressors. And members of this committee inspected the sites, mainly the former Birkenau camp, the ruins and the vicinity of the crematoria. They also secured the belongings left behind by the Jews deported to the camp. According to their reports, in addition to other items, over 1 million pieces of clothing were secured at this site, all of which were looted by the Germans. Over 40,000 pieces of footwear, etc. All this was treated as material evidence of the crimes committed here.

Survivors who remained on the site of the former camp, particularly within the hospitals I mentioned earlier, were also questioned. Autopsies concluded that most deaths were caused by exhaustion and that medical examinations were performed on hospitalised survivors. Extensive medical documentation was compiled. Finally, extensive photographic documentation was created, which is now an invaluable source of information on the state of the former camp during the early days following its liberation.

In May 1945, the collected materials were published and featured in various Soviet press and publications, among others: “Prawda” and “Krasnaja Zwiezda”. The article was entitled: “About the monstrous crimes of the German government at Auschwitz”. It delineated the camp's operations, the prisoners' labour, misery, and daily camp life. The press release depicted medical experiments and the fate of children in the camp, but the most fascinating aspect was the portrayal of the prisoners' arrival. Attention was also given to how those deported to Auschwitz were killed or murdered, that is, whether they were prisoners or victims. The intriguing thing, however, was how they presented the origin of these deportees, these prisoners or victims. The nationalities of the individuals were not specified, only their countries of origin, indicating that they were either prisoners or victims from nations such as Poland, the Soviet Union, France, and so on. And thus, no reference was made to the fact that Jews were among these victims. This mode of the subsequent portrayal of the prisoners, the victims, was replicated in literature or journalism across countries of the Soviet bloc. It is a widely known fact that reports in Poland often mentioned that they were people from... and the countries were listed without stating that they were of Jewish descent.

I suppose this article was the reason of early establishing the number of victims of Auschwitz to 4 million; is that right? Because this figure was also mentioned in it, I believe...

Since the reports stated that the number of victims was 4 million, which was subsequently well-established in the public's awareness, it was reiterated in both journalistic and academic works. It became a symbol of German and Nazi crimes committed in occupied countries and virtually prevented scientific research on the issue. It was only in the late 1980s that Polish researchers started studying the matter at the Museum. Doktor Franciszek Piper, then the head of the Research Department at the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, determined using documents that roughly 1,300,000 individuals were deported to Auschwitz and that the vast majority of the approximately 1,100,000 victims were Jews.

The material gathered by the Soviet commission was utilised in subsequent trials held in Poland, where evidence was presented against former commandant of Auschwitz Rudolf Höss and 40 members of his staff. Members of the Polish commissions, which were also established and operated at the former camp, collected and presented the evidence during the court proceedings.

In April, the Commission for the Investigation of German-Hitler Crimes in Auschwitz began its work under the supervision of the Minister of Justice. It began its work with a site visit, followed by talking to survivors who were still at the Auschwitz site. However, in May 1945, its activities were assumed by the Cracow Branch of the Main Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes. The Cracow Branch was headed by Jan Sehn, a judge and lawyer. He emphasised the proper execution of all commission activities, ensuring their results were admissible as evidence in court. This commission commenced a visual inspection of the site similar to the prior Soviet commission. The commission initiated the process of documenting photographic evidence and interviewing survivors, but Soviet soldiers quickly disrupted their activities. While the commission members were initially granted access to the grounds or vicinity of the main camp in May, their entry was essentially prohibited from June onwards due to the extensive operation of the POW camps. Practically conducting any investigative activities at the site was impossible until the Red Army left the area in the autumn of 1945. Nevertheless, they later returned to the site and continued their investigation. Despite the challenges encountered by the Soviet side, they gathered a comprehensive dossier that was subsequently employed in the prosecution of Rudolf Höss and 40 other members of the SS Auschwitz garrison.

According to what you said earlier, the Red Army withdrew from the camp premises in the autumn of 1945. Who took the responsibility for the site afterwards?

These areas were considered post-German territory under Polish law of the time. As a result, the provisional state administration took control of the former Main Camp and later Birkenau. The administration’s staff conducted an inventory of the buildings in the area. In February, the Ministry of Reconstruction was granted access to the buildings, particularly the barracks in Birkenau. The Ministry decided to dismantle these barracks and distribute the materials to areas in Poland that had suffered greatly during the war. They served the people who suffered the most significant losses.

We lack precise data and documents that would inform us about the destination of volume of these materials, a comprehensive inventory. A press release I came across accidentally in the “Wieczór Warszawski” newspaper dated 1st of November 1946, titled "Barracks from Auschwitz for market stalls", indicated what may have happened with these barracks or their parts. I will take the liberty of reading this brief note here. The Municipality of Dąbrowa Tarnowska has commenced the construction of barracks to be used as market stalls, with a notable reference in this note to a structure similar to the Cracow Cloth Hall. I quote: “These barracks were brought from Auschwitz, the death camp that claimed many millions. The frontline villages have also been given similar barracks for housing, thereby affording their inhabitants a lifestyle akin to that of a Drzymała wagon. Despite being subjected to the harshest conditions and returning to ruins from the camps and transports, these people remained steadfast in their commitment to their homestead. They were deprived of the basic necessities for even the slightest means of survival” - end of quote. By the summer of 1946, most of the barracks in section BII had already been taken apart due to demolition activities. Only a few dozen barracks remained.

Meanwhile, the government in Warsaw resolved that the Ministry of Culture and the Arts, a department within the same government, should take action to protect the site of the former camp and ultimately create a Museum there. These decisions were propelled by various factors. Back in 1945, members of the Main Commission came up with the initiative to secure the site of the former camp and create a Museum there. The presence of the Red Army prevented the implementation of these initiatives. The government administration renewed them towards the end of 1945 in response to the departure of Soviet soldiers from the main camp and their impending departure from Birkenau. Furthermore, the government received reports regarding the destruction of camp facilities and the emergence of individuals known as "diggers", who desecrated the ashes and soil in search of gold and other valuable items. Additionally, due to the degradation of the sites and facilities of the former camp, the authorities in Warsaw resolved, following all the information, to secure the site and establish a Museum here in the future.
As I mentioned, the decision was made to delegate the responsibility of implementation to the Minister of Culture and the Arts. Consequently, the Ministry formulated a team to be dispatched to Auschwitz to secure and safeguard the site.

The group was established after consulting with the leadership of the Polish Association of Former Political Prisoners, and in April, it commenced its operations at the site. The group included four Auschwitz survivors. It was headed by Tadeusz Wąsowicz. As a protection board, the group began to recruit further employees. They created a so-called permanent protection of the Auschwitz site, with guards hired to precisely watch over the grounds and facilities of the former camp, the main camp, and most importantly, Birkenau.

The guards, who had uniforms and carrying rifles, worked with the local militia to implement stringent measures. As a result, the deplorable practice of soil excavation and ashes desecration was significantly reduced by the second half of 1946.

After roughly a year of the group's operations, over 50 individuals were already employed within the framework of the established Museum, a significant proportion of whom were survivors of Auschwitz. The reasons for taking up employment at the Museum varied. Upon learning they would be working here, several individuals relinquished the idea and chose not to return. However, those who agreed to start work here were impelled by various motives. I stumbled on an account that explains how Director Wąsowicz justified the reasons. It is not a quote; it's more of a summary of his words: who can do it if not us? He contended that these former prisoners possess the most profound knowledge of this location and are best capable of transmitting the history of this place and all that transpired here to others. That is why several of these employees accepted the challenge. Some practically remained here until the end of their lives. They worked here until retirement. However, some did not endure the job and resigned after a brief period.

Undoubtedly, the prospect of a guaranteed and stable income was a compelling factor, albeit meagre, but there was some income, housing and sustenance. These factors were crucial in overcoming this reluctance in the early post-World War II years. However, one may argue that such mundane matters are important for many people. It is worth noting that this Museum was primarily established by survivors with first-hand experience and knowledge of the horrors that occurred here. The Museum's subsequent development owes much to its contributions in its early years. Thanks to their efforts, numerous sites within the Museum have been preserved in a manner that closely resembles their original state during the camp's operation. Their unique perspective also offers valuable insights into the history of the camp.

Besides securing the site of the former camp, what other obligations did the Museum's first workers have during the formative period?

Initially, the primary objective was to secure all the sites and safeguard them against any potential looting or desecration, as was the case in Birkenau. However, the former camp area piqued the interest of outsiders from the outset and with the arrival of this team, an estimated 100,000 people visited to explore the area in the second half of 1946. Many came here to see the site associated with the suffering and death of their relatives. For them, the act of coming here represented a form of pilgrimage. Also, they were enthusiastic about obtaining news about their loved ones whom they had lost contact with during the war. Some came here out of curiosity to see a place shrouded in such notoriety. Regardless, people started showing up at the site. Determining the precise month is difficult, but it's plausible that the visitors were granted entry to the former camp from June 1946 onwards. In any case, this was when the first press notes from a tour of the area appeared.

The initial period was challenging for those employed at the Museum. On the one hand, it was imperative to guarantee the site’s safety; on the other hand, the growing interest necessitated the site's accessibility to visitors. Therefore, the guards acted as guides during their off-duty hours. Though the former camp premises was open to visitors, they had to be accompanied by a staff member or guide. In principle, during the Museum's early years, all the blocks within the main camp could be seen from the outside, except for Block 11 and its courtyard; however, these areas were immediately designated as a shrine or mausoleum because of the immense suffering and death that occurred there. The staff was tasked with safeguarding the site of the former camp, making it accessible to visitors, and organising the future Museum. The Museum had initially planned exhibitions, but the extensive damage to most blocks necessitated a lengthy and slow renovation due to insufficient funding. During this time, resolutions were also taken to reconstruct some of the objects the Germans had dismantled or destroyed during the camp's operation. The Wall of Death, dismantled in February 1944, was one of the first structures to be reconstructed. It was located in the courtyard of Block 11, where executions were carried out by shooting.

The Death Wall was reconstructed at the end of 1946. The standing cells located in the basement of block 11 were partially rebuilt, and the former crematorium 1, repurposed as an air raid shelter, was also reconstructed and made available to the public in early 1947. Additionally, two ovens of the crematorium were reconstructed. The reconstruction was executed using the original elements preserved in one of the Bauhoff barracks, which was a building material storage. Furthermore, the trolleys used to transport corpses to the ovens were found and relocated to the former crematorium building. The crematorium chimney was reconstructed somewhat later. The mass gallows, on which 12 Polish prisoners were hanged in July 1943, also underwent reconstruction.

The number of reconstructions at the former camp premises was low because Tadeusz Wąsowicz prioritised the preservation of objects and places on the site, ensuring that their condition closely resembled that of the final weeks and months of the camp's operation. Thus, as I previously mentioned, certain places and objects within the site managed to preserve their authenticity to a considerable extent. At the same time, plans were formulated and subsequently implemented for exhibitions, which were ultimately located on the site of the former main camp. The original plan was to have exhibitions in 12 blocks, but due to limitations, only 6 blocks were prepared and opened during the Museum's official launch.

The Museum was officially opened on the anniversary of the arrival of the first transport of Polish political prisoners, that is, 14 June 1947. What did the Museum look like at the time?

On 14 June 1947, tens of thousands of people arrived at the site of the former camp, many of whom were Auschwitz survivors or relatives of those who had died in the camp. Several veteran organisations comprising former prisoners attended the event. Delegations of several heads of state, representatives of government authorities or the Polish parliament of the time, and Jewish organisations participated in the event. After religious services of various religious denominations and speeches by delegates and representatives of the authorities, the then Prime Minister, and survivor of the camp, Józef Cyrankiewicz, declared the Museum open. Indeed, the ceremony was organised on the seventh anniversary of the arrival of the first transport of Poles at Auschwitz. The official opening was followed by a ceremonial procession to Birkenau, where visitors paid their respects to the victims, after which they could visit the Museum.

The Museum consisted of two parts: the one in the main camp and the one in Birkenau. During the ceremony, exhibitions were opened in the main camp and available for viewing by attendees. Six of the twelve planned exhibitions were opened. In block 4, titled: “The Extermination of the Millions”, and one could visit a room prepared by historians and Jewish artists. It was dedicated to the extermination of the Jews. This exhibition, which took place in this hall, was the only one of its kind at the time and would today be considered a national exhibition. A sarcophagus with a candlestick was placed in the centre of the room. Above it hovered a white dove symbolising the souls of the murdered. An inscription in Hebrew sits above the entire composition that reads: “Izkor”, meaning “Remember”. This section of the exhibition and composition was designed to serve as a site for various ceremonies commemorating Jewish victims. Furthermore, the room contained multiple documents provided by Jewish historians. These included artwork from Ela Silbermann, a survivor, and Zinoviev Tolkachev, a Soviet soldier who came to the former camp a few days after the liberation. Additionally, the Jewish side provided various other miscellaneous exhibits. Also exhibited in this block were containers of Zyklon B and a large display case containing two tons of hair from the victims, primarily women.

The subsequent blocks, block 5 and block 6, featured exhibitions titled “Canada”, which showcased the belongings of the Jews deported and murdered here in the gas chambers, located on the site of the former main camp, in the so-called Erweiterung blocks, an extension of the camp. Clearly, they had not been taken by either the Red Army or the Germans. They were moved to the main camp blocks in the second half of 1946. This location served as a storage site for footwear, among other things. An entire room was filled with the clothes of murdered Jews. The rooms featured display cabinets with various items, including suitcases, baskets, cutlery, cream boxes, shoe polish and several other articles.

The extensive exhibits displayed in the respective rooms profoundly impacted the visitors. This is the conclusion drawn from press reports. According to the plans, Block 7 was intended to showcase the history of the resistance - the resistance movement within the camp. Due to the delay in preparation, the exhibition featured artworks made by survivors.

Blocks 8 and 9 depict the state of the blocks during their existence in the camp in 1940, that is, during the initial period of operation. It also shows the slight improvement in the prisoners' living conditions in 1944. Block 9 showcases the condition as it existed in 1944. Block 11, which did not host any exhibitions, was used as a place commemorating the martyrdom for the prisoners.

No exhibitions were organised at Birkenau. It was meant to serve as a Memorial commemorating those murdered. There, one could see the barracks of the former women's camp, particularly the brick barracks.
The tour then led to the ruins of the crematoria and ended at the incineration pits. Judging from the initial press reports in the days and weeks following the opening of the Museum, its method of organisation and the exhibitions garnered positive reviews from the Polish and Jewish press that were still operating and publishing at the time.
The Museum was officially opened on 14th of June 1947; however, the legal act that established and regulated the institution was issued less than three weeks later, on 2nd of July of the same year. As one might have guessed, two reasons accounted for this decision. Firstly, the Museum was scheduled to be inaugurated on 14th of June to coincide with the arrival of the first transport anniversary. Secondly, since the parliament session was scheduled a little later, they decided to pass the legislation later, but to commemorate the arrival of the first transport.